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e-Book Teamster Rebellion epub download

e-Book Teamster Rebellion epub download

Author: Farrell Dobbs
ISBN: 0913460028
Pages: 192 pages
Publisher: Pathfinder Pr; 1St Edition edition (June 1, 1972)
Language: English
Category: Americas
Size ePUB: 1803 kb
Size Fb2: 1997 kb
Size DJVU: 1327 kb
Rating: 4.9
Votes: 807
Format: txt mobi lrf azw
Subcategory: History

e-Book Teamster Rebellion epub download

by Farrell Dobbs

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Главная Teamster Rebellion. The first in a four-volume series on the class-struggle leadership of the strikes and organizing drives that transformed the Teamsters union in much of the Midwest into a fighting social movement and pointed the road toward independent labor political action. Introduction by Jack Barnes, two 12-page photo sections and other photos, index.

Farrell Dobbs (July 25, 1907 – October 31, 1983) was an American Trotskyist, trade unionist, politician, and historian. Dobbs was born in Queen City, Missouri, where his father was a worker in a coal company garage

Farrell Dobbs (July 25, 1907 – October 31, 1983) was an American Trotskyist, trade unionist, politician, and historian. Dobbs was born in Queen City, Missouri, where his father was a worker in a coal company garage. The family moved to Minneapolis, and he graduated from North High School (Minneapolis, Minnesota) in 1925. In 1926, he left for North Dakota to find work, but returned the following fall

This is the first in a four-volume series on the class-struggle leadership of the strikes and organizing drives that transformed the Teamsters union in much of the Midwest into a fighting social movement and pointed the road toward independent labor political action.

Written by a leader of the communist movement in the . and organizer of the Teamsters union during the rise of the CIO.

The 1934 strikes that built the industrial union movement in Minneapolis and helped pave the way for the CIO, recounted by a central leader of that battle. The first in a four-volume series on the class-struggle leadership of the strikes and organizing drives that transformed the Teamsters union in much of the Midwest into a fighting social movement and pointed the road toward independent labor political action.

Introduction by Jack Barnes, two 12-page photo sections and other photos, index. Appendix: List of Original Strike Committee of 100 as it appeared in Local 574's files. Now with enlarged type.

Also available in: Spanish, Farsi, Swedish

lets go baby
One of the three great books by Farrell Dobbs. This inspirational account makes for a good read if you ever get into trade unionism.
Pathfinder has just (June 2 2004) Come out with a new updated edition. Perhaps the most interesting feature is a discussion between Jack Barnes and Mexican and Mexican American coal miners from Utah fighting to organize their mine about how this book speaks to the needs of workers in the 20th Century. There are more pictures, and expanded notes.

Farrell Dobbs was transformed by the struggles in this book. He had wanted to be a judge. He had been a forman. He had tried to run a small business. The depression threw him into the coal yards of Minneapolis. He became one of the workers who helped unionize the coal yards, then unionize the truckers, then turn the Teamsters into an industrial union, because they had the opportunity to meet up with the revolutionary Marxist ideas supplied by communists like the Dunne Brothers. This is the story not of Dobbs alone, but of the great Minneapolis Strikes of 1934 that led the way for the CIO. This is the story of how workers can bust through the conservatism, the apathy, the company loving bureaucracy in their unions, to demonstrate their power. This story is told by a man who was there, as a coal yard worker, a truck driver, the union's organizer. We need to know how to do this now!

While Amazon may say this book is not available from time to time, it is always available on the Pathfinder Amazon partner Z store that you can reach by clicking on new and used at the top of this page.
To any working person who wants to know how to fight the bosses and win, you have to read this book. The author, Farrell Dobbs, was born into a working-class family in Missouri in 1907, worked his way into a management job, started his own business, and hoped to go to law school and become a judge. But his plans were cut short by the great depression of the 1930s. In 1933, he found himself working in a Minneapolis coal yard and met coworkers who asked him to join an effort to organize the workers into a branch of the Teamsters union. The rest is history. In 1934, Dobbs played a central role as the members of Teamsters Local 574 carried out a series of three dramatic strikes that succeeded in making Minneapolis a union town. To do this, they had to battle the boss-led Citizens Alliance, the police, the top Teamster bureaucrats, as well as a "friend of labor" Governor, who talked out of both sides of his mouth. This book gives a blow-by-blow account of all of this, and is a real handbook for how to conduct a strike effectively. Key to their victory was a union leadership that included members of the Communist League of America, a revolutionary socialist group, which later became the Socialist Workers Party, which Dobbs joined and led on a national level for decades. If you like this book, you'll also want to read the three other books in Dobbs' Teamster series, Teamster Power, Teamster Politics and Teamster Bureaucracy.

ORGANIZE WALMART! ORGANIZE THE SOUTH! These are the slogans which outline the tasks that the American labor movement, particularly the organized trade union movement under the AFL-CIO and the Change to Win Coalition, need to address. With those tasks in mind it was refreshing for this old militant to re-read Farrell Dobbs' analysis of the fight to organize the truckers in the 1930's. This volume, and an earlier one detailing the struggles to organize truckers in Minneapolis, are little handbooks for model labor organizing. Dobbs himself was instrumental in organizing the truckers of Minneapolis in the great strikes in that city in 1934 and as documented here the later, successful organizing of the over the road drivers in the Midwest which created the modern, powerful Teamsters International Union. He was, more importantly, a supporter of what later in the decade became the Socialist Workers Party- American section of the Trotsky-led Forth International.

Whatever else may be true about Dobbs this man could organize workers. Why? The last sentence in the previous paragraph gives the answer. In the modern labor movement it is not enough to be a militant on the picket line but one must also have a political approach to labor actions. With the merging of corporate and governmental interests on the labor question in the modern state militants better think politically. As the December, 2005 unsuccessful struggle of the transport workers in New York City demonstrated militants better know the enemy and his tactics well. Moreover, these days, unlike in the 1930's when it went without question by advanced workers, it is as important to know there is an enemy. On the other hand think what it would be like to have a political militant like Dobbs organizing the drivers of those 7000 trucks that Wal-Mart owns to distribute its merchandise. You get my drift. Read what he has to say carefully.

To even introduce this militant labor leader of the 1930's is to state the fundamental problem of today's labor leaders. They do not exist in the modern labor movement. Yes, there are militants out there in the rank and file but militant leaders are no longer produced and that is the rub. Unlike the strategy of independent political action which underlined Dobbs' work the strategy of today's labor leaders can be summed up in two words- class collaboration. That is a strategy of dependence by the labor movement on the good will of the `friends of labor', essentially the Democratic Party- not to fight for victory in the streets but by what at times amounts to parliamentary cretinism. Just start to organize Wal-Mart seriously or organize the South and militants will quickly see who their `friends' are.

The natural audience for this book are today's labor activists so the reviewer would draw attention to the following issues that Dobbs and his associates had to confront and which militants today will confront in any serious organizing efforts. (1)The role of the labor bureaucracy in limiting the scope of struggle. (2) The role of governmental mediators, courts, legislation and the above-mentioned `friends of labor' in curtailing the struggle. (3) The role of scabs and others, including government troops, who will try to break the up the struggle. On the positive side- the following should be noted; have your own publicity organ to get out your message; organize other labor and pro-labor sources to assist in strike action; anticipate that governmental and corporate sources will try to `freeze' workers out so have your own transport, commissary and medical operations. Finally, in the words of the old Wobblie song by Joe Hill- "Don't Mourn, Organize!!
Added January 7, 2012

No question over the past several years (really decades but it is just more public and in our face now) the American working class has taken it on the chin, taken it on the chin big time. What with job losses (and jobs not coming back), paying for bank bail-outs, home foreclosures, effective tax increases (since the rich refuse to pay we pay), mountains of consumer debt, and student loan debt as a lure for the kids there is little to glow about in harsh light of the American Dream. In short, it is not secret that the working class has faced, is facing and, apparently, will continue to face an erosion of its material well-being for the foreseeable future something not seen by most people since the 1930s Great Depression, the time of our grandparents (or, ouch, great-grandparents).

That is this condition will continue unless we take some lessons from those very 1930s and struggle, struggle as a class against the imperial capitalist monster that seems to have all the card decks stacked against us. And that is where the late labor leader (and, for a time, revolutionary socialist) Farrell Dobb's little book on his (and his comrades) experiences in organizing the truckers of Minneapolis, Teamster's Rebellion, can help inspire new generations of working people, organized, unorganized, unemployed, homeless, houseless, and just plain desperate, to get out from under. Specific conditions may be different just now from what they were in Dobbs' 1934 Minneapolis but after re-reading this little organizing gem there was something very, very current about what our forebears faced down there and then.

I write this little review with a special purpose, a purpose driven by the rise of the Occupy movement, in mind. Although the Occupy movement is right now as I write going through some growing pains there are some disturbing trends that I have witnessed since its inception. The main trend for my purposes here includes a rather standoffish attitude toward the working-class, especially the organized working-class, as central to the struggle for a more equitable society rather than as just another numbered victim of American imperialism's relentless assault on, well, if not the ninety-nine percent then some large percentage of the population. And that is where the lessons of the 1934 Teamster's strikes comes in as a helpful antidote to that notion. As well as very helpful guide to what Occupy already does fairly well-organize auxiliary aspects of the class struggle like kitchens, libraries, speakers' bureaus and the like.

A few highlights will illustrate my point. Minneapolis was a notorious anti-labor commercial town (flour, copper, farm goods, etc.) for generations leading up to the 1930s. It had a well-organized, ruthless, and, when necessary, armed business-centered Citizen's Alliance that mostly kept out the unions for generations. Therefore a central demand, yes a front and center in your face demand, of the working-class there was for independent union recognition by the bosses (they recognized only their own "company" unions, or better, dealt with each individual worker separately). That was the first order of business for those militants, including the leading revolutionary militants (mainly Trotskyists in this situation but others as well). Along with that desire was the idea that those allies (inside workers who loaded the trucks, etc.) of the truckers should also be organized in one industry-wide union rather than the old craft union idea of separate unions for each category of worker (in short, to break the old "divide and conquer" strategy of the bosses and comfort zone of the labor skates).

Now this scenario may not immediately strike any current Occupy sympathizer as particularly germane for today's struggles but that view would be short-sighted. For what Minneapolis (and the other main class battles of the 1930s in places like San Francisco, Toledo, Flint, and Detroit) demonstrates is the social power of the working class to hit the economic royalists (the name coined for the one- per centers of that day) to shut the capitalist down where it hurts- in their pocketbooks and property. The bosses will let us rant all day, will gladly take (and throw away) all our petitions, will let us use their parks (up to a point as we have found out), and curse them to eternity as long as we don't touch the two "p's." And that is why it is profoundly mistaken to assume that the working class is only along for the ride like everybody else in Occupy. The various recent West Coast port actions is a somewhat skewed way (the longshoremen refused to cross the community picket lines rather than directly shut the ports themselves but the effect was the same-ports shutdown for a period) demonstrate that same proposition.

Beyond that central premise that is bed-rock to understand this book is filled with all kinds of information that is also important to know for any major show-down struggle with the bosses. Such class-war actions have to be carefully planned using every resource available (not just some happenstance thing put together at a whim, or less). So reading about the soup kitchens, the hospital, the make-shift garages (to transport roving pickets, a necessity in the many-sited trucking industry), provisions for entertainment, and a labor daily newspaper to counteract the bourgeois biases of the press sounded awfully familiar to me, and should to you. Some parts Occupy has got right, got right right from the start.

What, disturbingly, has not been right or has been some what blurred today is a clear understanding of the relationship between the bosses and their state (the cops, National Guard, mayors, governors, courts, prisons, etc.) and we the risen people. The militants (beyond the hard "reds") in Minneapolis probably had some illusions in those institutions starting out, although probably less than those today, a few generations removed from those hard class battles. They soon "learned" about the cops in their three-stage (three separate strike actions from February to August 1934) fight. Learned about cops mostly at the wrong end of a night-stick (or tear-gas grenade) in the famous "Battle of Deputies' Run". About the courts and their rough, very rough "justice." About the militia and who it serves. About the lying bourgeois newspapers and their scare tactics. About who were, and were not, the so-called "friends of labor" from Roosevelt on down. And even about the treachery of the labor skates, particularly the head of the very Teamster Union they were trying to join, Daniel Tobin.

What they also learned though, and we can learn as well, is that through combining together in solidarity in large numbers, through being politically clear-headed, through keeping independent of the main political parties, and most of all having the determination to fight for what you want you can win sometimes in this wicked old world. Read this little book and see if you agree.
In rereading this book I was struck by what a wonderful thing it was that these rank and file workers were able to change history by creating, out of their struggle, an example of revolutionary unionism. It was wonderful for them and is wonderful for us, because it shows what we can do today. This book also tells the story of how Farrell Dobbs learned that he could trust in both the fighting capacity of the working class and the leadership capabilities of its vanguard. Through powerful examples Dobbs describes the dog-eat-dog viciousness of capitalism and contrasts it with the desire on the part of young fighters to break through the backstabbing and open up a road to workers' solidarity. This book could change your life. Amazon may list this book as unavailable from time to time, but it's always available from the Pathfinder z store. Click on "new and used" at the top of the page.